Gawun history and traditions by Nura Abubakar

Background of the Study

          The slightest mention of Gawun to most people as a community is quite often misunderstood. Gawun Babangida is the recent name adopted by Gawun people, to acknowledge the effort made by General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida’s administration (1985-1993) towards the development of the town on its present site.

The people of Gawun relocated to their present site in 1981. This was sequel to the creation of a Federal Capital Territory in the country in 1976 when Gawun and some other areas in the district fell within the area of the new created Federal Capital Territory. However based on the options given to the affected communities by the Federal Government to either leave or remain within the territory, the people joined their kith and kin in Niger State. In the first place, The Gawunli is often misunderstood for every inhabitant that dislikes and dons not tolerate falsehood and misleading acts.

          Secondly, Gawunli is one who gives complete loyalty. It is therefore on this accounts that this research project seeks to correct those misconceptions and as well present the history of the Gawun people. Though comprehensive historical accounts of the area have been rare. However, this work shall achieve its purpose by using the little available sources in relation to other people’s history. Therefore, a clear perspective on Gawun history can only be appreciated through the historical development that took place prior to the colonial administration.

The socio- cultural ceremonies among these people were inherited from their forebears and were preserved in their arts, symbols and sacred places which were passed from generation to generation. On the other hand, the cultural ceremonies were held tight to them and in high esteem and regulated every aspect of their life.

The Gwari speakers of Gawun and other Gwari language speakers are scattered over the Old Benue, Niger, Zaria and Kabba provinces. In the present political dispensation, Gbagyi/Gbari as they prefer to be addressed and identified against “Gwari” a term used in derogative sense to describe the speaker of the language are spread predominantly in Niger State, Abuja (FCT), parts of  Kaduna, Kwara and Kogi States.

There are two stocks of Gbagyi. The Gwari-Genge (Matayi) and the Gwari-Yamma (Gbawyi) or the Gwari of the West. The Gwarin-Yamma are further classified into two, vis-à-vis those dwelling in the southern fringe of the River Usuma in the Kwali Area (FCT) who are called Sumakpan while those living on the northern fringe of the River Usuma in the Paikon-Kore area stretching across the Gurara River (up to Izom) are called the Zubakwa. The Gbayi of Gawun from the above analysis therefore falls in the Gwarin-Yamma stock (West) and belongs to the section of the Zubakwa.

Mr. C.L. Temple’s book “Northern Nigerian Tribes and Provinces” states that…. “It is possible the Gwari are indigenous to the Zamfara and the district stretching eastward to the southern part of Zaria province, and their religion and customs may be compared with Bussa, Kamuku, and Kambari who came from the same neighborhood and carry load on their shoulders….”(1965) p.472.

Isah Baba (1984) in his work ‘Role of the Gbagyi in the Hausa States of Abuja (1807-1979)’ traced the Gbagyi…. among the ‘pagan’ stock in Borno who were driven out of Borno by the strong Kanuri forces….

The Gbagyi, he added settled in Zazzau shortly before they were again driven out of  Zazzau (present Zaria), that is why Zaria is often referred to as Zaria Gbagyi. On leaving Zaria (Zazzau), the Gbagyi scattered along the banks of River Kaduna south of Zazzau to the confluence of Niger and Benue Rivers, while other groups settled on the hills of Kuta….

To support this fact, one can see similar facial markings of the Kanuri and numerous cultural affiliation and cohesion with the Gbagyis. The Gbagyi are peaceful, cordial and lived amicably with the Kannuris, and other ethnic groups like the Dakarawa, Kamuku and Koro who have been their neighbors since time immemorial.

1.2     Statement of the Research Problem 

          To what extent can Gawun history be appreciated through the historical development that took place prior to the 1960 independence? This research work explores sensitive issues as regards the history and noble traditions of the Gawun people in general, how they define their history and traditions, and the extent to which some misconceptions and falsehoods can be corrected so as to present the true history of the Gawun people in view of the big oversight in terms of establishing its background history.

1.3     Aim and Objectives

The main aim of this study is to document the history and traditions of Gawun. The following are the objectives for achieving this aim.

1. To study the origin of Gawun.
2. To determine the extent of the noble traditions of Gawun.
3. To document the traditional political set up.
4. To verify relations with her neighbors.
5. To verify the differences and similarities existing between Gawun and her neighbors.

1.4     Scope and Limitation

          The research limits its scope to the area termed Gawu Babangida presently. It focuses on the early stages of development up to the end of  the colonial period. This research cannot be said to be completely lacking in limitations. The major constraint is finance.

Financial problem is the basic problem which researchers always encounter. Undertaking this research work was highly demanding and as such, the researcher spent a lot of money in sourcing for information from primary sources. Due to the low literacy level of some of the respondents, the researcher had to stretch the interview so that the questions are perfectly understood. Taking such precious time for the interviews involved monetary compensation. During the research, much was spent on transportation just to ensure that the basic information on the people is gathered.

However, the presence of the limitation will not stand to compromise the quality of this study in any way. Because adequate inferences were drawn from the study area.

1.5     Justification and Significance of the Study

The justification of this study is based on the absence of any single comprehensive historical account on the traditions of the people. The findings present a people from the formative to the resent stage of development. This research is important because it focuses on the origin of the people of Gawun, their traditions, norms and values. It is hoped that the result of this research will help in reviving of the traditions of the people.

Furthermore, the studies will provide retentive memories of the socio-economic affiliations, influence and relationship between Gawunland and her neighbors. Because a single comprehensive historical account of Gawun has not been presented. Therefore, this study will close the knowledge gap. Our knowledge of how Gawun emerged as an entity is crucial to the understanding of the cultural, religious, economic, social and political structures of the inhabitants.

1.6     Literature Review

Literature review centers attention on the scholarly views of other researches on Gawun district. Literature review evaluates some of the important works and articles on the historical background of the Gawun people so as to establish the relationship between Gawun and neighboring ethnic groups.

Ogundele (2004) in his work ‘Some Indigenous Knowledge Systems in parts of Central Nigeria’ contends that the Tiv, Ungwai and Gwari have some common cultural traits as well as variations. The similarities and dissimilarities in the management and utilization of natural resources available in their environment, same as their echoes can be explained against the background of their specific social histories. He indicates that apart from Niger State, The Gwaris are also located in other places like Kaduna and Nassarawa States as well as the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Evidence on the relationship between the Gwari and Tiv are broadly established in Ogundele’s study population for collecting ethnographic data.

Isah Baba Nambo (1984) in his work ‘Role of the Gbagyi in the Hausa States of Abuja (1807-1979)”, described the Gbagyi among the ‘Pagan’ stock in Borno who got driven out of Borno by the superior Kanuri squadron. He also added that the Gbagyi settled in Zazzau before they got driven out of the area which is present day Zaria, and this justifies why Zaria is still referred to as Zaria Gbagyi. From Zaria they dispersed and moved off in different directions along the banks of River Kaduna south of Zaria stretching to the confluence area of the Niger and Benue Rivers and others settling on Kuta hill tops.

In yet another academic work on cloth weaving in Gawun District, Niger State, in the 19^th and 20^th centuries, Isah Baba is of the opinion that “The original name of the people of Gawun was a conglomeration of three autonomous settlements of Yimpa, Gbiti and Kutakpe. As the case with many Nigerian ethnic groups, issues of the origin of the Gbagyi remained obscure. Different versions exist as regards the tradition of origin of the Gbagyi people. Among the versions is the one that relates Gbagyi to Bornu which reads ‘Gbagyi are among the pagan stock that were driven out of Bornu along with their neighbors Koro by strong Kanuri forces in 1750C.E. and  that they understand Kanuri’ (Temple 1965).

However, the version that seems authoritative is the one that links Gbagyi with Daura. The tradition states that in Daura, one of the Hausa States held that Abu Yazid whose five grandsons found the remaining Hausa States of Gobir, Kano, Rano, Katsina, Zaria and Biram generated a collateral line through a Gbagyi meaning that the concubine given to Bayajida by queen Dauranama was a Gbagyi who gave birth to Banza Bakwai. This legend may be true, viewing the flourishing folklore in Daura claiming the Gbagyi as ‘Abokan Wasa’ (Byanko 1979).

According to Baba (2003), Gbagyi people are the indigenous people of Zamfara and their custom may be compared to that of Kambari who came from the same neighborhood.

Kobo .M. (1981), in “A Brief Foundation History of Lapai Emirate” established the relative history of Gawun which was located on a very high hill some hundreds of feet above the surrounding area. Gawun the rocky town was subdued between 1817-1818 by Umar, son of Jauro, Sarkin Fulani of Zaria. Umar came to be known as the founder of Lapai. He first settled near a Gwari village called Maza northeast of present Lapai. Daudu Maza gained Gawun’s submission in 1818 after simultaneously attacking the area and changing tactics in terms of raiding. Just after Gawun had been annexed to the domain, Agbara, the chief of Bukwo, thought that the army was still engaged somewhere in Gawun and he attempted a surprise raid on Lapai. The last foray of Umaru Daudu Maza was when he intended to expand the boundary of his domain across the River Gurara.

At the same time, he wanted to quell the trouble being fomented by the Gwari tribe living among the Champai hills to the south-east of Lapai. The Champai people gave assurance that they would live in peace with one another under the suzerainty of Lapai rule.

The Gbagyi kingdoms of Karu and Kurakpe, and those of the emirates of Keffi and Nassarawa, came together in a complex intermeshing of peoples in which distinct clans and lineages of the Koro, the Gade, the Gbagyi, the Bassa, the Fulbe, the Hausa, the Ebira, and others, lived and worked together in the same settlements and in neighboring settlements (Bala 2004).

1.7     Research Methodology

Methodology is a system of methods and principles employed in every discipline. The methodology employed in this research ranged from oral interview and ethnographic study (frequent observation and participation in their daily life). The research methods are greatly enshrined in oral history and ethnography.

1.8     Oral Tradition

          Oral tradition which is history stored in the memory and transmitted from one generation to another through words of mouth has proven to be a vital source for historical reconstruction. Oral interview presents highlight of designed questions which the interviewer asked during interview sessions. The researcher tried to establish relationship with the respondents because the success of the research depends on good rapport between interviewer and interviewee. The researcher did this by participating in the people’s daily life. Thus, this enabled the researcher to understand points of view of the culture he is studying. It enabled to gain qualitative data on the area of study. The method enabled us to develop an understanding and appreciation of the cultural traits of the people of Gawun.

Questions were formulated and well prepared to serve as guide in interview process. Questions ranged from personal background information which provided certain socio-cultural traits of the informants to the historical origin of Gawun, her countryside, neighbors, traditions, and socio-cultural ceremonies, religious, political, social and economic affiliations.

The use of notebooks, tape recorder and a question guide (a list of questions drafted to guide the researcher during the interview sessions) was efficiently employed in the course of the interviews. Gwari language was employed throughout the interview sessions. The translation from Gwari to English language was easily achieved. The study population and social status for oral history and traditions include elders-males and females, heads of settlements and priest or religious leaders, all ranging from ages 50-90 years.

At least, three elders were interviewed from each of the settlements on aspects of their history and tradition. This allowed the respondents to relate freely and reduce distortions to its barest.

1.9     Ethnography

          Ethnography is the science of describing particular societies or distinct groups of people from their material culture. Ethnographic data was collected from few local informants in the settlements that were sampled.

Ethnographic research served as the basis for a fuller understanding of Gawun from its past to its ethnographic present. It is also served as a reflection of the impact of social history or cultural traditions on facets of the material expressions of the people.

1.10   Written Sources

          These are written documents that appear in form of textbooks, journals, archival documents, colonial records, reports and maps. These documents go a long way in preserving information that may prove useful in any work of investigation. In this research work, relevant books documents and maps were consulted to understand the geographical and historical development of the study area.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER TWO

THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE OF THE STUDY AREA

2.0     Introduction

The continent of Africa with some of its varying relief, drainage, and vegetation is considered as vital in history and to be the cradle of early human species some million years ago. Early man was more of a scattered people wandering in search of game, gathering fruits and plants for immediate consumption. This period was the Stone Age era when man lived on the mercy of nature. Through circumstances ‘MAN’ embarked on food production and became settled some few thousand years ago. And now, there are over a thousand  languages spoken in Africa coupled with the numerous complex and diversified social systems and customs.

It is however under this premise that the Gwari speakers of Gawun origin are being presented and introduced in an attempt to understand them better with specific references to their history and traditions.

2.1     Geographical Background

Gawun is a fast developing town and is situated at a distance of a stone’s throw to Kungo and Nambata communities-which serves as a T-junction to Lapai, in the south-west to Gawun across the River Gurara lies Minna, and at a distance of twenty-seven Kilometres further east is Suleja. It is located on latitude 9◦ 12N and Longitude 6◦ 15E (Google Earth). Gawun is in the Suleja Emirate Council, and major as the Gawun district and Gurara Local Government Area Headquarters of Niger State. The Gurara Waterfalls is just a distance of six kilometres away along Minna Road. The River Gurara (Shigo) is the only river close to Gawun town and it empties into the Niger River further south. The flooded land mass by the Gurara River provides a good environment for agricultural activities especially for the cultivation of rice, yam, cassava, maize, guinea corn, millet and beniseed.

The country surrounding Gawun Town is flat with no hills at a reasonable distance except the ‘Chepu Kunkun’ (Hills) which is not rocky and the land around the town is plain with thick bushes and enormous fertile soil.        Gawun town lies in quite hot and humid region of the country. Rain starts from April and lasts up to October. The dry season starts in November to either March or April. It is within these months that the harmattan winds blow, bringing forth dusty and cold weather. The climatic condition and vegetation qualifies Gawun as part of the middle belt between the northern and southern parts of Nigeria.

2.2     The Gawun Origin

          The historical origin and literal meaning of Gawun (pronounced as Ghawun) is often beclouded with a lot of controversies as narrated by oral sources and documents. Sources have made attempts at explaining certain misconceptions about Gawun. With Oral traditions we cannot wholly agree or disagree with some of the submissions given because of its shortcomings such as bias and exaggerations.

However, these submissions are given chances to prevail with equal attention based on the degree of each and every deduction which appeals to logical reasoning. It is therefore, pertinent to elucidate these submissions in order to arrive at historically acceptable conclusions.   According to one version of oral tradition, Gawun is derived from the Gwari/Gbagyi sentence ‘Egha a Wunya’ which means “the pottery works have spoilt” shortened as ‘Ghanwun’. This owes to the fact that Gawun which is known in history to have been a pottery centre derived its name from the pottery centre, ‘Gami’. (Mall. Idris Na’ibi Pers. Comm. 2012)

Mal. Idris Na’ibi has it that the constant breakage of pots during firing at the manufacturing site was thus coined as Gawun.  He further holds that it was the scattered settlements of Egbin, Chakpa, Tukpafin Bhangadna and Kukuyi which were hitherto autonomous but became one and were divided into Mko(kopati), Kaura and Dawaki Sards to foster unity and development. This second source disagrees with the fact that the founder is from somewhere but cannot tell where these early inhabitants came from.

The source instead has it that there is a village called Gawun in Sumakpan (FCT) inhabited by the Gwari whose founder is believed to have come from Gawun. They (Gawunli in F.C.T) refer to their original home Gawun (Niger State) as Gawun Sadzuru and Gawun (Niger State) refers to them as Gawun-Sumakpan. (Mall. Musa Tsoho Pers. Comm. 2012)

The third source has it that Gawun have links with Zaria. (Baba 1984). According to Mall. Hamidu Gajere, Gawun derived its name from ‘Ghanwun’ meaning “it’s more of mine”.

The legend contends that the whole area that later became Gawun on the hill-top (Pikunkun) was a thick forest or jungle inhabited by dispersed families. The inhabitants of these settlements decided to come together to form a large and unified settlement.

This marked the beginning of the principal towns in Gawun namely, Kaura, Mko (Kopati) and Dawaki. Early known political leaders of these wards were Paida in Kaura, Bajiya and Tswadu in Mko/kopati and Dawaki respectively. It should be noted that at the early stage, there was no central authority or any form of government under a single individual. In this process of political development and evolvement, a name was sought and the sentence ‘Ezhihin Ghanwun’ meaning “This village or settlement is more of mine” was made. The sentence of ownership is ascribed to have been made by the Gajimapi lineage of Kaura ward, perhaps Gajimapi lineage were the early settlers who gave more of their land for the new settlement as ‘Zhici’ (The founders). (Mall. Hamidu Gajere Pers. Comm. 2012)

Mall Hamidu has it that a hunter probably one Kumbu from what Isah Baba calls Zaria Gbagyi on a hunting expedition found a community scattered  and decided to have his own settlement and rallied  round the dispersed one near a tree called ‘Gawo’ or ‘Kawu’ in Hausa which became corrupted as ‘Gawun’.

One interesting point to note from all these submissions is that there is an agreement that Gawun is a composition of autonomous settlements who felt the need to come together. This is unlike other ‘Gwari-Yamma’ villages that have a history of a hunter founder. There is also conformity in the rationale or reasons why the settlement was on ‘Epi Kunkun’ (Hill-top). The views expressed for these are for defence against foreign invasion and for religious worship. These are more likely the reasons for the people’s choice of such type of settlement.

This is because any settlement on hill-top will be very hard if not impossible to invade and there are a lot of images which are natural endowments on mountain tops that form the basis of the African traditional religion (Eshan). Thus Kumbu therefore is not the founder of Gawun but the first to be entrusted with the tittle of ‘Etsu’ (Chief)

2.3     Gawun and Her Neighbours

The birth of Gawun suggests that other communities existed farther from its territorial composition. These communities either wanted to maintain or assert their independence or were far away to have come into a favourable agreement of a single political entity. Gawun though was an independent settlement away from its neighbours; it later broke the gap and filled it as a result if inter-marriage, trade in cloth, pottery, corn, the similarities in religion and ethnic affinity. These brought Gawun into contact with the people of the north towards Bakoji and Lefu. (Baushe Idrisu Pers. Comm. 2012)

This status was similar to that of a protectorate whereby Gawun provided defence and was looked upon as such. These hamlets were Tando, Kitikpa, Soita and Fuka Peti which were closer to Gawun while others like Gasakpa, Kudna, Tufa, Tuna, Lefu, Bonu and Kungo were of a reasonable distance away from Gawun. (See map 4).  Gawun nevertheless, provided security and served as there centre of civilization simply because it exercised some influential control and equally received tributes as signs of overlordship. They are socially, economically and politically dependent on Gawun. This was made easy due to the uniformity in language, culture and religion. Though the Gawun leadership knew the new territories could hardly resist any external aggression repeatedly from prospective raiders, the leadership didn’t subjugate them to any form of exploitation. (Baushe Idrisu 2012).

The relationship was cordial and serene in its true sense as there was no single act on the part of Gawun’s subordinates to be so confident about their independence from Gawun. The cultural heritage of Gawun and her subordinates were not much different. The political organization were similar if not the same and this gave room for better understanding and coming to one another’s aid in times of distress and calamity such as raid, war and famine. The cultural lines stretched to other hamlets neighbouring Gawun especially Gbunu, Kusan and Tsafi which are intimately connected to Zuma rock. The commercial ties were strong as transactions were done with far away neighbours like Dnapu, Shaku, Gwam, Bakoji and Lefu.

According to oral tradition (Baba Nigeria Pers. Comm. 2012), the general relationship between Gawun and her neighbours could be said to have been so beneficial. It helped them forge a stronger tie to drive back the unexpected raids from later arrivals like the Fulanis, Nupes, and Hausas from Kontagora, Zaria and Bida.

2.4     Fuka and Kutakpe 

  As mentioned earlier, the Gawun countryside comprised of numerous villages even after the merger of the independent hamlets. These hamlets no doubt played and continued to play roles that are historical and beneficial to the communities in question. Fuka hamlet according to oral tradition (Awwal Musa Pers. Comm. 2012), must have come from amongst the Hausa but stayed at Fuka Town in the present Shiroro Local Government Area of Niger State from where some part left for Gawun territory. The people of Fuka were predominantly hunters, medicine men, and were like twin neighbour of the Kutakpe people. The Kutakpe people were of relative importance to Fuka since they were the first to gain independence from Gawun.

          A respondent (Ya Musa Tata Pers. Comm. 2012,) stated that a leopard was killed during a hunting expedition by the Kutakpe people and as it was superstitiously believed among the people, that leopards possess strong evil powers and could inflict harm on its killers, the Kutakpe people out of fear, took the leopard across to the Fuka people in order to help them cleanse and neutralize the evil elements and harm which was likely to be inflicted for killing the leopard.

The Fuka people, who were medicine men and good in terms of expelling evil spirits, granted a strict condition that they (Fuka) will take over the Kutakpe’s position of seniority as a reward for the gesture. This was accepted by the Kutakpes and this marked the genesis of the Fuka playing the role of “seniority” over the Kutakpes. Thus the tittle of ‘Zagoi’ (elder) in Fuka came into existence as the community head. Though it has not been established whether Kutakpe played any role in Gawun traditional politics, Fuka’s role in Gawun chieftaincy coronation cannot be over-emphasized as the staff of authority was given to Gawun by Fuka.This in turn has historically become the sole duty of Fuka henceforth to install and bury the Gawun chiefs because of the spiritual services which they rendered to them.

2.5     Gbiti

Gbiti is also one of the hamlets that were before now autonomous and now absorbed into Gawun. Gbiti inhabitants played the significant role of “architects” to the chief of Gawun as it is there duty to build and renovate the chief of Gawun’s palace.

2.6     Yinpa and Peti

These two hamlets now absorbed into Gawun used to play vital role in the socio-cultural life of Gawun. According to oral tradition (Ya Musa Tata 2012), the Yinpa and Peti settlements during the famous ‘Pyadi’ festival were visited by the chief having gone first to Fuka for the traditional rituals or rites of blessings on the commencement of ‘Pyadi’ festival. The two strong masquerades from Peti and Yinpa settlements go out on drinking spree a day to the ‘Pyadi’ gathering. The Yinpa people reserved the right in those days to start cutting new thatching grasses of the season before anyone else within the width and breathe of Gawun. The cutting having been done is signalled by planting conspicuously a big bunch of grasses outside the Yinpa compound.

This tradition of permission later became shared with the ‘Tsubakopi’ royal house. Before now, it used to be superstitiously believed that anyone or family that violates the Yinpa and Tsubakopi families in cutting the grass will have such huts engulfed in a super-natural inferno.

 

 

CHAPTER THREE

GAWUN TRADITIONS

3.0     Marriage

          In Gwariland and especially the Gawun stock, marriage was sacred and respected as an institution through which man and woman were joined in a matrimonial harmony. During which a couple beget legitimate children who are a source of pride and consequently inherit the parents. Marriage as well was seen as a blessing from God and as such everybody aspires and dreams that he or she gets married sometime, someday. To the Gwari woman just like any other, life has three meanings and stages; marriage, child birth and death. (Kaka Lamimi Pers. Comm. 2012).

This was why a girl upon attaining puberty was sent out for marriage in order to procreate as it is a source of joy and pride. To the Gwaris and Gawunlis in particular, it was believed that a wise and patient man can have as many wives as he desires. For the love and protection, he provides is not to be misconstrued as weakness and enslavement. He was therefore respected at all times and situations. However, though rivalry is allowed between lovers, it was also believed that anyone who through instigation causes problems to one’s marriage plans was considered as an outright enemy.

Getting married to many wives in ancient Gwariland was a source of pride and the number of children one has, shows the strength of his labour force, the size of his farm and quantity of harvest. The Gwaris are therefore traditionally adherents of polygamy. They did not however practice polyandry or multiple husbands.

3.1     Courtship

          To the Gwarin Gawun, there were about three kinds of friendship or courtships all of which ended up in marriage. They are; Bisan, Shegbgba and lastly Djange.

These however have slight variations in the approach and conditions towards achieving married life.

3.2     Bisan 

          According to a respondent (Kaka Lamimi 2012), this kind of courtship starts right from the time when a suitor or his relations present ‘Bisan’ (Elephant grass) to an expectant mother. This is to establish and make known the intension of getting the unborn child as a wife. This is done without minding the sex of the child. What is said is “If the child is delivered and it is a female, I hope to woo her for my son, brother or cousin as the case may be”.

The mother as expected consents to it and allows the father to be aware of the proposal. And after a long thought and study of the “little suitor’s” family background and history, she accepts or rejects the proposal. And if the father equally gives his consent and approval, then the relations of the would-be ‘husband’ starts to give respect and little gifts to the father. For example, relieving him of a load and greeting him in a respectful manner on behalf of the boy who might be too young to know how to treat his in-laws.

It is by this development that a family relationship was established and aimed at getting their children married in years to come. This kind of courtship is amazing as it guards against disappointment and insures total commitment. As stated earlier, if the child delivered is a female, before her attainment of maturity is allowed to go to the suitor’s or proposed husband’s house when it is time for harvest. And in some cases, she was even adopted by the would-be husband’s family so that at that tender age she will develop the sense of already belonging to the family. As a sign of love and commitment, the little girl was given part of the harvest from the suitor’s personal farm or that of his father.

At the time she is matured and ready for marriage in the case of having been adopted she is allowed to go back to her house for a short period of time, she was sent back after the marriage rites. This process of ‘taking back’ is known as ‘Bwadjan’ (Hand-cleansing).

3.3     Shegba: (Worship)

This type of courtship or matrimonial relationship is similar to that of Islam where a girl is given out for marriage in form of alms. This relationship helps in promoting or repairing inter-family feud. This process was done by presenting a cock and two measures of corn, but if it involves ‘Kpankaci’ (mysteries), rice, and fresh fish are added or as demanded by the fetish priest who solemnises the marriage. This process passes through ‘Migbiyi’ (an intermediary) down to the suitor’s house. This courtship was done for about four years. It was to prolong the period of settlement in case the misunderstanding continued.

3.4     Djange: (Friendship)

          As the name suggests, this is the courtship where a boy having developed love for a girl asks for her hand in friendship. This was not unconnected to the fact that the Gwari culture frowned at forced marriage and therefore boys and girls were given the right and chance to respectively get married to spouses of their choice and liking. In this kind of friendship, the boy and girl must love one another before they were allowed to get married by their parents. After some fruitful time of showing understanding and love, the boy makes a proposal and if she accepts to be his wife, she then gives her consent by telling the boy and to make his intentions known to her parents.

This was done by the boy informing his parents of his plans and the parents after consideration and deep thought over the girl’s family history may oblige or not. The boy’s parents/relations who mostly do not kick against his intentions go to the girl’s house with a paltry sum of money according to the strength or buoyancy of the family of the boy. These days it could be a hundred Naira or even more. This sum is called ‘Djange Wo’ (Friendship money) or ‘Epi lo’ (home going). It is after the presentation that the girl’s parents will summon their daughter and ask her if she knows the boy and if she asked him to visit them. At this point, the girl if aware and gave permission for the visit, consents to it and confirms her intention to get married to him.

This was followed by the boy’s parents or relation expressing their gratitude towards the generosity and success of the relationship which started from outside and is now formally known in her home. In a situation where the parents kick against it, efforts and pressures are mounted from the boy’s parents and if the issue is resolved, the parents will make known their acceptance called ‘Gbeya’ (i.e acceptance of the dowry). At this point, no other person or suitor was entertained by the girl or her family. Also the people involved cannot quit the relationship with the parents of the two parties coming in to ascertain the reasons behind the intended separation. This is because it is seen as shameful to both the families to allow flimsy excuses break a promise which could have a long term negative effect on a cordial relationship that have been established even before the proposal.

It normally is a source of embarrassment and disgrace for parents to allow their children disappoint one another unnecessarily. The process of courtship especially the ‘Djange’ (friendship) type was more complex than others. This is because the proposed husband having been given the “go ahead” was expected to give a bundle of corn to the parents of his wife to be. He also gives dresses and fends for her. He keeps on increasing a bundle after each year until he pays the dowry. He was also expected to work on the girl’s parent’s farm thrice every year and goes to greet them (Nukpasa) from time to time with his close friends. The proposed husband and wife display shyness toward their respective in-laws.

At this time, the ‘Mulaba’ (would-be bridegroom) is expected to have gone round the bride’s (Mulango) relations to greet and get to know his close and distant in-laws. This was known as ‘Nukpasa’ and ‘Yekpe’ respectively.  The two must always be in dark places or hidden spots (when they are chatting or discussing).

According to (Kaka Lamimi 2012), this tradition was taken over by time; however, it is still being practiced by some typical Gwari Gawunli. The boy was also expected to display some shyness in the presence of his in-laws. He must not look into their eyes and should bow while he greeted them.

3.5     Preparation

The rites of marriage in Gawunland though modified with time were a long process. At the time the girl was matured and ready for marriage, she was prepared through an intermediary (Migbiyi) who settles disputes or disagreements between the suitors. This was normally an elderly person of reputable character who shuttles between the two families getting their children married to one another. After a date was fixed for the marriage, she was initiated into marriage rites as stated before, if it is mystery (shegba) type, sacrifices were made before initiation (Lufadna). The initiation was done by sprinkling water on the bride at night (Lufa) on the day the wedding ceremony commences. This sprinkling was performed by her step mother or aunt. This was so because she won’t attack either of the two water sprinklers (Lufadnay).

This time, the drummer is hidden in a dark corner simply because he could be attacked by the bride (Mulango). In fact she is supposed to be taken into the initiation state by ‘Lufadnayi’ (water sprinklers). The sprinkling marks the beginning of the ceremony proper. The same evening, Gadagba dance known as ‘Piyan’ was performed in the girl’s house. When the Piyan was still in progress, she was taken secretly to her new house before the dancers depart. The next day, the ‘Gadagba’ dance was organized at the husband’s house. It should be noted that the ‘Mulango’ (bride) who was secretly taken at dawn the previous day was represented by a fake or disguised ‘Mulango’ (Bride) who is chosen from amongst the bridal train.

This was done in the afternoon and the Mulalabin (Fake bride) was taken round the houses of the bride’s close relations and family friends. This process is called ‘Mulago’ (welcoming of the bride). This was after she (fake bride) was handed down warnings, advises and showering of blessings by the family and friends. Till this time, the bride continues to feed, drink and bath with water from her husband’s house after ‘Kpnagbin’ (i.e. revealing of the real bride). The Kpnagbin was done after the bridegroom’s friends have departed from the customary sitting which was done throughout the day ‘Bayawo-Sesi’ (customary sitting). During ‘Bayawo-sesi’, a mock court session was organized by members of his age group ‘Ena’ (mock court) and friends sued one another and the judge imposed on the guilty person a fine or a sentence to a prison term in a goat’s pen for few a minutes in cases of grave offence.

The girls who are part of the ‘Yayawo’ (bride’s friends) were also in attendance at this Bayawo sitting. They were also tried and fined. Individual or group fines charged were paid by their suitors or from the ‘Yayawo’ (bride’s friends) account that is money gotten during the dances. But the girls were normally not sent to the mock prison. After the ‘Bayawo-sesi’ (customary sitting), the entire members go into the bridegroom’s house to take ‘Esunuwa’ (honey pap). During this time, the girls who served the honey pap were given some money by the men for taking the pap. This was followed by ‘Egba’ (acrobatic display) with the drummer entertaining. This was compulsory to all members of the age group or a fine was imposed on anyone who refuses to display.

It should be noted that it was the same day of the ‘Kpnagbin’ that ‘Yingun’ (the Bonboi play performed by placing a jug filled with water on the head and carried by the most beautiful girl on the bridal train) takes place. In this display, the girl with the filled jug pours the content on herself and others who followed her about, singing. In the olden days, this was done close to a stream where the jug can be refilled after emptying. Oral tradition (Kaka Lamimi 2012) has it that it was done at a T-junction. At the old site, (Gawun Top Hill) this was done at the junction of Kaura. During this procession, it was believed that if a married barren was taken to the stream and given some concoction by the priest who speaks Gwandara language, she conceived. This gesture was reciprocated by sacrificing to the god (Gigonta) an animal as a sign of appreciation.

The above mentioned ‘Bonboi’ (water pouring) attracted a price of two kobo which was to be given by the bridegroom after this observance. On return, the ‘Mula’ (bride) who arrived home earlier welcomes the ‘Bonboi’ participants outside the main compound.

The ‘Bonboi’ was followed by ‘Zaya’ (leaning game). This as the name suggests was a traditional play of girls leaning on each other while singing. The next day, the ‘Djagbawo’ (paltry gift or financial assistance) takes place. This gesture was reciprocated by the bridegroom when his friends or age mates get married too. This was closely followed the next day by ‘Cigbazhi’ (wood cutting). This was done by the girls going to the bush to cut firewood together with the ‘Mulango’(bride), the bride’s load was given to either her cousin or ‘Bidnawuli’(half-sister) who in turn cook a delicious meal for her (bride) as a sign of love and appreciation. After some time, the ‘Bidnawuli’ (half-sister) presents to the bride locust bean cakes to reciprocate the wood load given to her by her cousin.

The following day, the ‘Mulango’ (bride) runs away to her parent’s home. To return her to her husband’s house, rice was prepared with beniseed soup which she takes back. Along the way, some part of the food was eaten as ‘Dagun’ (approaching meal) at a T-junction by passers-by and friends. It used to be believed that if no one takes any bride’s ‘Dagun’ meal, she (bride) doesn’t take another’s. This marked the end of the marriage ceremony.

It can be seen that marriage right from initiation to the conclusion takes about one week.

3.6     Child Birth

          The prayer after marriage is to get a child. Child bearing serves as the determining factor for a successful marriage. This was why prayers were always offered for the couple because child birth was seen as their only source of pride and joy. In the past, no bride speaks of her pregnancy because it was believed to be an issue that made itself known when the time comes. Herbs were taken secretly to guard against evil spirits and difficult labour. During pregnancy, (when it becomes pronounced) there were series of taboos ranging from refraining from some things and not eating certain foods. Some of these taboos are;

1. A pregnant woman should not make a wish and a powdery kind of soup called ‘Efin’.
2. A pregnant woman was not allowed to see a corpse as it was believed that the unborn child will have a slacking neck and will not develop teeth at the appropriate time.
3. A pregnant woman should not parade herself in the night or see the ‘Shelilu’ (night bird) flying, as the child will develop ‘Luke’ (convulsion) whose medicine was gotten from Twadupi Though it was believed that during pregnancy, a normal woman should be healthy and immune to some diseases, she was given ‘Lashi’ (talisman) to wear as protection. The talisman Lashi or Gbnashin was removed when the expectant date of delivery was close and hanged on a stick to be used again. (Kaka Lamimi 2012).

By the time or day the pregnant woman starts feeling labour pains; a local midwife was called to help her deliver the child. After a successful delivery, ‘Wulele’ (a kind of sound made by women) to inform the neighbours of the arrival of a new baby was made. The coming into the family of a new bouncing baby no doubt was a source of happiness and this was not hidden on peoples’ faces as the information was passed to relations and neighbours. The people believed in reincarnation and that dead ancestors come back as new born babies. Thus a ‘Pigbin’ name (the name/names of the ancestors or elderly family member still living) given to a child might be that of a dead ancestor or an elderly family member who is still living. This ‘Pigbin’ naming was done by mentioning the names of the dead ancestors so as to know which one has come back in form of a new baby. While the names of the dead and living are being mentioned, if the baby urinates, then the name mentioned is the ‘Pigbin’. The child thus bore the name and was given the honour and praises usually given to the ancestor or living elderly member of the family.

However, the parents can go to a sooth-sayer to enquire which ancestor has come back as ‘Pigbin’. This could be before or after delivery. The naming ceremony was done five days after birth and if not possible, it was postponed to two weeks. It should be noted that the Gwarin Gawun practiced circumcision and this was done at the age of seven. Traditionally after the fifth day of delivery, before the coming and acceptance of Islam, the child was barbed and taken out on the back to the backyard by a little girl for people to now formally welcome.

The new born baby and the little girl carrying it were welcomed and asked what they brought back home. The little girl jokingly names what can be bought from the market. During these traditionally welcoming rites, jokes were cracked amongst members of the family and friends amidst the singing of the ‘wole-wole’ (traditional welcome song). It should be noted that the midwife who helped in the delivery was given a delicious meal for the services rendered. A fowl was also slaughtered for the mother who was placed on hot diets and baths.

3.7     Names and their Meanings

          Names in Gwariland are an important pointer to the time and situation under which the bearer was born. Before the advent of Islam, names were given to children randomly as it served as a remembrance or gratitude to the gods and goddesses. Some Gwari names in Gawun and their meanings are listed below:

1. Woli/Bewuye: the Sympathiser

A child is given this name if a sudden death was recorded in the family at the time he/she was born.

2. Sheganze: (God the Provider and The Just)

A child who was born after series of still births was given this name in praise of the gods.

3. Abuye (Female) and Tswashe Zagi (Male)

Same as above.

4. Janna/Wodu (Stay)

This was given to baby girls who were delivered after two still births in thanks to the gods and goddesses.

5. Bainze (Give the World a Chance)

This name was given after a parent has undergone a terrible ordeal during the time the child was delivered.

6. Bakomba Gunjeni (Folly Twins)

The ‘Bakomba Gunjeni’ was given if the parents were able to get help from medicine men during delivery; the twins could survive and live a prosperous life. Sacrifices and offerings were also made to the gods and goddesses of fertility and prosperity.

7. Kpashi (The Lazy)

This set of twins or triplets are very non-enduring and non-prosperous. They are right from birth full of problems and die immediately or after having made their parents wretched. Their survival was just for some days, weeks, or at worst few months. They are believed to be adopted in the spirit world as children. From the above kind of twins, one can see that it was believed that twins and triplets through a source of joy, yet they had lots of problems attached to them. And this perhaps best explains why some parents tried their best to make them survive, and of course some do stay and become famous and possibly wealthy. Others only make the parents poverty stricken and then pass away. The Kpashin twins and triplets were made to live or survive through sacrifices and offerings.

In Gwariland and Gawun in particular, conception out of wedlock was frowned at, this crime in the olden days attracted banishment for the illegal couple after fines were imposed on them. The fines and demands among others include two he-goats, cock, wine and a piece of locally woven cloth. These items were used in the cleansing of the society as demanded by the gods. In Gwariland, bastards were marked by piercing one of the ears. They (Bastards) were not allowed by customary rites to inherit anything. Finally, it may sound funny to note that a typical Gwarin Gawun just like their brethren among other tribes, do feel shy to call or mention his/her first child’s real name chosen from the randomly selected names.

Instead, they preferred calling them ‘Hele’ (you) or the pigbin (the name of the person who has come back or re-incarnated).

 

 

3.8     Death

          Death according to the belief of the Gwari and Gawun in particular was strange and unnatural. This was said to have come as a result of man displeasing the gods and the goddesses. Though death was seen as a punishment on man for his disobedience and ingratitude, yet it was believed that death was necessary and did not mean an end to existence. It was believed that man died but the spirit dwelled everlastingly in another form of rebirth. It was believed that the human soul is the breath and it was removed at death from the body to live again somewhere in another place. Upon one dying, the information was passed to the ‘Etsu’ (chief) through the ‘Pada’ (head of palace guards) who in turn extended the obituary to the chief burier and grave diggers. It should be noted that in case the chief dies, the Fuka people were informed as they took care of the burial of Gawun chiefs at the royal cemetery. This they have been doing since time immemorial.

There was also the customary burial of corpse taken out in what was called ‘Fa lo’ (farm going). This was believed to be his final farm going before his burial. The death of any member of the community was seen as a loss not only to his immediate family but to the entire community. This situation was seen as a very significant period of mourning and that was why the neighbours stayed indoors throughout the period. Traditional ways of grave digging were two, the first was in form of a room and parlour and the second was dug like any other conventional grave in form of a trench. Usually the corpse was taken out to the grave feet foremost; this was to ensure that the dead does not find its way back as ‘Nyafunbwu’ (ghost).

According to oral tradition (Ya Audu Biko Pers. Comm. 2012), burial was done in the compound or family cemetery, it was believed that the dead will need the basics of real life and that explains why food stuffs and implements were provided for the deceased in the grave. The corpse was laid facing east and the ritual feast and social functions followed after burial. After three to four days, there was the remembrance ‘outing’ (outdoor walk) like the Egu and other masquerades performances.

3.9     Egu Dance

          The ‘Egu’ traditional dance was organized after the death of a popular and high chief. This was quite different from the Egu initiation of chiefs. After the death of such a popular individual, the Egu musicians assembled at the house of the deceased. The beating of drum preceded crying as it serves was a signal and permission to commence the funeral rites. The traditional Egu dance takes place during which the entire troupe moved round the house of the deceased seven times. The women dancers while inside the house during the moving round by the troupe, removed grasses from the thatch of a hut, individually placing each on the ground. This was to wish the deceased rest in the grave.

When this rite of grass removal was completed, the chief band beater collects the grasses into a bunch and ties it. This bunch was thus placed at the main entrance of the house. The grass removal rite was repeated for seven days as a sign of grief and mourning for the departed soul. However, the Egu lasted for few days depending on the buoyancy and popularity of the dead or his relations. On the appointed day of the grand Egu rites, the earlier mentioned bunches of grasses placed on the main entrance of the house were removed by the chief band beater. The removal attracted the gift of a ram, cock, and ground guinea corn flour and soup seasonings.

There was also an additional gift of a jug of wine to the chief band beater, who along with the ‘Badje’ title holder (chief hunter) preceded on a religious ritual at the Egu shrine in the bush. At the shrine, the corn flour was made into white ‘Jebu’ (white flour) without adding potash to it. These sacrifices and meal were eaten by the participants or worshipers at the shrine while the remnant was carried home for others. It should be noted that the “Egu” was only done if demanded by the deceased or if the relations deemed it fit to do so in honour of their dead relation.

3.10   Djangede

The ‘Djangede’ dance is related to the ‘Kulle’ (Kulbe gong) of Abuja. The genesis of this ‘Djangede’ was linked to Fuka who beat it during funerals of their children and men. As time went on the Gawun people developed interest in the styles and steps of the ‘Djangede’ music and asked for it to be performed for them. The instruments included a big pot and a drum (Yan-kun). These instruments of ‘Djangede’ were strictly for Gawun and Fuka. The family that was responsible for the music and the instruments was the Gajimapi family in Gawun while that of Fuka was in the custody of the ‘Zago’i (elderly person).

The ‘Djangede’ has two styles namely, the Budzun and Gballa. The gongs were kept in a special hut which major as a shrine. The ‘Djangede’ dance became a traditionally religious activity during Gbanti ceremony which was marked by clearing the Kitikpa hamlet surrounding.

CHAPTER FOUR

EMERGENCE OF ROYALTY

In the past, there evolved in the human crave to have a leader a variety of efforts. This state of affairs was borne out of the condition of ‘Warre’ (man against man).  Law and order as well as justice were unheard of as such absent. The primitive stage in man’s political development according to Hobbes is that “the life of man was solitary, poor, brutish, nasty and short”.

In the course of time, it became necessary to entrust into another one’s individual rights and liberties to ward off anarchy in return for safety and security. There arose the need for creating the stool of kingship. Early kings were needless to say priests. This is so because he offered sacrifices and presided over religious activities. The above philosophical view cannot be discussed without, going back to the early food cultivation and smiting period which made permanent settlement possible. It calls to mind the earliest system of matriarchy. This refers to gynaecocracy, whereby women took charge of preservation and distribution of society’s food supplies. This was followed closely by division of labour, craft specialization and nomadic life. These developments brought about changes that had a great deal of effect on the political set up of man. The elders became priests who in turn became chiefs and kings (Burnett 1954).

However, the Gwaris, in their political set up had no strong central authority. The people had no established political authority. Sources have it that this was changed as one Mallam Kumbu a magnanimous and brave hunter from Zazzau, a kingdom North of Gawun founded the first ruling house in Gawun around the mid-18^th Century. According to Isah Baba, this marked the beginning of waves of migration of Hausa people to the south in search of new homes. Kumbu and his family settled at various places before advancing towards the mountains. He (Kumbu) is said to have been told of luck in stock for him by a fortune teller and to proceed until he gets to a scattered settlement on a hill-top. He marched on stopping briefly at Tafa and Jeku before finally terminating his journey at Gawun Pikunkun. And Kumbu ascended the throne thus becoming the first Tswa-Gawunli (Chief of Gawun).

Nevertheless, Kumnbu according to another source while not disputing the fact that he was the first chief of Gawun, he must have had a senior brother called ‘Sadu’ who was chosen as ‘Zhiti’ (Community head) been entrusted with the leadership. The source states that Sadu must have been entrusted with leadership of Gawun but was not confirmed as Etsu (Chief) before he died. Kumbu was therefore; chosen to succeed him for his magnanimity and soon afterwards, he merged the autonomous settlements into what became Gawun. It is believed according to oral tradition (Baba Nigeria Pers. Comm. 2012) that those who were the first to settle are the Gajimapi lineage of Kaura Ward as the ‘Zhici’ (founders).

It is therefore, the Gajimapi lineage that the early rulers sprang from whom the source added are the direct descendants of Sadu/Kumbu extended family after the elders had reposed the confidence in Kumbu, they approached the Fuka people to give them ingnitia of authority. The Fuka people must have been contacted and given that preference because at this time, there existed a strong religious shrine. The request was granted and a knife and spears were given. It is believed that this ‘Kayan-Sarauta’ (Royal staff) were not bought or made elsewhere but at Fuka. It is equally believed that the royal musical instruments include the ‘Kilbe’ (A gong) which were usually given to the Etsu. After the establishment of royalty in Gawun, the new chief (Kumbu) extended his defence lines to cover the Fuka people and the shrine. This marked the beginning of Fuka being consulted as on appointment of a new chief (Etsu) and the burial of the dead one.

This indirectly tells us that Gawun chiefs were not known to have been removed from office on any count. This spectacular development was later to be tempered with after the advent of the British colonial administration.

4.0     Consolidation of Power

Etsu Kumbu having been chosen to the elevated position of ‘Tswa-Gawunli’ (Chief of Gawun), was as it became the tradition coroneted and given the staff of Office at Fuka by the High Chief Priest (Zagoi). In the coronation process, he (Kumbu) was passed through series of traditional initiations, seclusions, and other ceremonial rites and rituals. He (Kumbu) now had to wield his power of authority through raiding the surrounding hamlets bringing them into the political fold of Gawun. This was done and achieved through tolerant but tactical and gallant military expedition devoid of subjecting the territories to the throes and woes of warfare. Kumbu, it should be noted, was not ambitious and didn’t annex the vassals simply for the quest or any other motive other than to defend and safeguard his new territories and ensure security against foreign invaders.

Taxes and tributes were demanded and received to compensate the gesture of beefing up security and defence. After the conquest and consolidation of power, Kumbu through his exemplary leadership and personality found to his surprise a people hitherto scattered and autonomous succumbing to his wishes and aspiration. The new settlements became pleased with his generosity and high quality of leadership worthy of emulation.

4.1     Stages of Development

4.2     Political and Socio-economic 

Gawun from the onset experienced different forms of socio-economic as well as political developments. From little autonomous hamlets sprang a village which grew into a large settlement, this marked the gradual and steady transformation of Gawun. The Gawun village unlike her neighbours assimilated visitors and offered them indiscriminately opportunities for general societal development and advancement. The settlements that seldom knew much about the outside neighbours at inception had now became a force and drastically changed the extended families into a viable entity as against the old days when the resources were limited, life revolving round individuality and full of hostilities

Gawun was not walled as the hilly environment supplemented and supported the defence tactics and frontiers. The natural inaccessibility gave it sufficient protection as the farm lands, water sources and religious shrine were all within the impregnable environment. There were also strong fortresses (Ekpan-Tugo) to spy on enemy forces. These natural endowments gave Gawun the ample chances of developing into an independent village were political activities held sway and unhindered. As stated earlier, Kumbu having assumed the office of Etsu (Chief) laid the foundation of royalty.

In Gawun, there are two royal households drawn from former Gajimapi royal lineage of Kaura

These royal houses are: –

1. Kaura-Gubapi
2. Etsu Mammapi
3. Etsu Geropi
4. Mko/Kopati-Wagopi
5. Etsu kalupi
6. Etsu Bakopi (Twins)

• Gamu Tsubipi

It is from these two royal houses that the chiefs (Etsu) of Gawun are drawn from till date.

As enumerated earlier, the extended Sadu/Kumbu family is the progenitor of all the Etsus (chiefs) of Gawun. However, this trend of political development later changed as the Gajimapi lineage ceased to occupy the office of Etsu; however, all chiefs from that time are still traceable to Kumbu. For better understanding of what happened, it will be historically ideal and beneficial to at least dig into this later development. The attempt cannot be made without enumerating the genesis and circumstance behind it and possibly some Etsus that reigned after Gajimapi’s forfeiture.

Kumbu having laid the foundation of a strong and unified kingdom never to be defeated in war lies in the fact that Gawun security network and its terrain held her out against various invaders. Another striking significance of Gawun’s hilly environment was that it provided defensive and protective out posts to even refugees fleeing from more powerful raiders. J.W. Burnett had this to say “Gawun was a natural stronghold and was not sacked by earlier raiders”. It was orally opined (Mall. Muhammadu Bako Pers. Comm. 2012) that one other contributory factor for its indomitability was ‘Sojegi’ (god of war) worshipped by sacrificing wild guinea fowls which helped in the repelling of enemy forces.

This was achieved in war times by Sojegi’s (god of war) attack on the advancing enemy troops who are exposed to the hazards of poisonous spears and arrows coming from all directions without being shot by humans. It is held that swamps of bees stung and sent the attacking enemies into untimely death. There was also the war trick of rolling medium and large sized stones down on the enemy formations.

Kumbu’s expansionist campaigns of the countryside were with little resistance as he only spread his good and protective tentacles aimed at safeguarding the frontiers of the growing kingdom against external aggression from enemies and their allies. As Kumbu was ageing he kept his leadership tempo and territory in proper shape. The generous Kumbu died leaving behind a kingdom he has laid the foundation for greatness, full of high hopes and aspirations. After his death he was succeeded by Etsus who raised the pillars of Gawun’s greatness. At this time, the Gawun village was growing in administration and steadily increasing in population.

In the warring time, Gawun was able to expand her territory to cover new lands. In the conquest drives which were before the advent of the British Imperialism, Gawun stretched and brought under its political sphere and influence villages and hamlets like Pita close to Paiko upwards to Gaegi, Zhibodu (Baidna) Gbalu, Kitikpa-Matayi, extending further to Egba on the Gurara, Kafin Koro areas of Adunu up to Beni and Ishau on the bank of Gurara. To the western fringe, Gawunland covered and dominated her neighbours towards Nupe boundary (before the founding of Lapai) at Shagunmi (Chakumi) eating deep and far into the frontiers of Duma encircling Gbaidna, Shaku and Tunapangbe, Dzuru and linking up Pita in the North-West.

On the steeply and rough edge terrain of ancient Gawun facing Gurara River inhabited by Kitikpa, Zhiwi, Kpammi, Chakpa, Gasakpa, territorial farmlands, and settlements up to Mawogi (Nakpankun), Ekun, Domi, Muso, Kyau, and engulfing farther territories of Dnagun to the edges of Gbolo and the hamlet settlements of Pozhi, Rinfi, Bhagadna, Zole, Bwoku, towards Shagunmi River after linking again with Gbaidna (Bhambe) spilling over to and across the Gana Gana (Zhitako) settlement of Duma. As time went on, there was the need to create a second royal house to Gajimapi lineage of Kaura ward in cognisance with the population and for political balance.

It was at this time that the Mko/Kopati royal houses came into being. The circumstance behind this twin royal house was primarily aimed at maintaining political equilibrium, fairness and sense of belonging to all. As it is claimed, that was the tradition with most Gwarin-Yamma to usually provide for double ‘Zaure’ (royal households) for her communities. It should be noted that though Sadu did not assume the title of Chief (Etsu), he was chosen as Zhiti (Founder) and he commanded respect and was admired.

It should be recalled that when Mallam Kumbu was installed Etsu in Gawun, his brother Jatau stayed briefly in old Abuja. Sources has it that before joining his brother, he (Jatau) visited Etsu kumbu at Gawun-Pikunkun (Hill-top) and in an observation, Jatau is quoted as having said ‘‘A wan-Kadegan’’ Meaning your hunting expedition is more than mine.  This statement refers to the abundance of animals in Gawun Pikunkun (Hill top). It is possible that this enticed him (Jatau) to leave Abuja and join his brother Kumbu.

Jatau having settled down now in Gawun-Pikunkun and with the demise of his brother, Kumbu, he was crowned Etsu as Kumbu’s successor. Estu Jatau (1763 – 1772) improved on the expansion of the Gawun where his brother stopped. Though it cannot be ascertained as to what extent his expansion was, he (Jatau) is said to have brought the rest of the autonomous communities into his onerous leadership.

After the death of Estu Jatau, he was succeeded by Etsu Gajere (1772 – 1878) who according to oral sources was able to maintain and expand the Gawun territory. He (Etsu Gajere) achieved this through a more aggressive stance as he was able to extract tributes as compensation for the protection and defence of the conquered vassals. It should be recalled that Jatau who stayed in Abuja before joining Etsu Kumbu at Gawun-Pikunkun left his brother called Gajere in Abuja. It is said that when Gajere visited Gawun-Pikunkun on a hunting expedition that took him to Lapai hills, he Gajere is said to have uttered ‘‘A wan pai’’ Meaning My catch exceeds yours.

This statement Gajere made was in reference to his huge catch in Lapai hills as against that of late Etsu Kumbu’s domain (Gwaun-Pikunkun). This is said to be the origin and coinage of the name Lapai meaning ‘‘More Meat’’ and with the demise of Etsu Gajere he was succeeded by Etsu Chikan. Etsu Chikan (1778 – 1788) was able to defend the Gawun territorial boundaries and he is credited to have started little commercial activities within the suburb. Though this was not in high magnitude yet a remarkable attempt was made in that direction Nevertheless, after the death of Etsu Chikan, he was succeeded by Wago-Etsu Kumbu’s Nephew. Etsu Wago (1788 – 1800) according to sources was able to defend Gawun’s territorial boundaries and is also credited to have brought Gawun to its apogee as he introduced and improved trade and commerce based on barter within Gawun and her mountainous neighbours.

When Wago died, he was succeeded by Etsu Lanse (1800 – 1810). He was Etsu Cikan’s Nephew. He (Lanse) was succeeded by Wago’s son Etsu Gani I (1810 – 1819). During his times, he was able to hold together the territory and expanded it beyond the hill top to the Kemi River. He equally expanded the commercial activities which were initiated by his predecessors. During his time, slave trade and slavery were one of the major activities as he has now been able to stretch the territory to cover new lands. The trade in human beings then was lucrative and paying to a growing and old commercial centre of the neighbouring territories like Gawun. At this time, it should be noted that there arose the necessity to have a twin royal house, to have a balance of power sharing among the wards. This brings to mind the creation of the Kopati/Mko royal house.

To this end, ironically the Gajimapi family, lineage was thus replaced in the dynastic changes that followed up, on assumption of office by Etsu Lanse. This is to say that the Kumbu, family produced first few Etsu who among others included Jatau, Gajere, Chikan and Wago. One thing remains obvious and pertinent, and this is that Etsu Wago is said to have had a relation called Princess Gamu Tsubi. She was called and addressed as Gamu Wagobi according to some sources. She is also said to have been married to one Jaguinyi in a village called Godago. According to oral tradition (Awwal Musa Pers. Comm. 2012) that when it was her turn to ascend the throne but by the virtue of the fact that she was a female, it disqualified her from ascending the throne, so she (Gamu-Tsubi) gave the chance to her son, Lanse (1800 – 1810) Sources say this is the genesis of the Gamu Tsubipi royal household in Mko/Kopati.  Etsu Lanse was able to have imposed taxes, and received tributes from vassals,  refugees and captives who had superb artistic merits in weaving, pottery, dyeing and agricultural cultivation coupled with those who fled their original homes at this time and came to Gawun and added to the Gawun’s already sound industrial economic base. It is said that during Etsu Lanse’s time, Gawun fully became a commercial as well as centre of civilization to her close neighbours. As stated earlier, the ascension of Etsu Lanse to the throne marked the creation of the second ‘Zaure’ (doorway before the main entrance) of royal house in Gawun in Kopati (Mko). Etsu Lanse gave birth to Etsu Kalu’s father and uncle, Pada Gani and Mikan Kishi respectively.

After the demise of Etsu Lanse, he was succeeded by Etsu Gani I (1810-1819). Etsu Gani I ascended the throne and made little impact. He (Etsu Gani I) only defended the already conquered territories during his reign. He (Etsu Gani I) made little effort in expanding Gawun external relationships further than that made by his predecessors. Etsu Gani I (1810-1819) was succeeded by Etsu Guba (1819-1830). He is said to have been one of the Etsus whose term brought prosperity to Gawun.

According to oral tradition (Musa Ibrahim pers. Comm. 2012), his administration is said to have been that which gave Gawun a better economic base among her equals and rivals. Etsu Guba was succeeded by Etsu Bako I (1830-1840). His reign is said to have been very fruitful as Gawun prospered in commercial and agricultural activities.

Etsu Bako I was succeeded by Etsu Mamman (1840-1884). He reigned the longest in Gawun history. He occupied the stool for a period of forty-four years. It was during Etsu Mamman’s tenure that attempts were made to join Gawun to Lapai by the British colonial administration. This as the source said, failed due to the experience of the visit to Lapai by Gawun chief and councillors. The source contends that in the ill-fated visit the Lapai leadership seized all the horses the councillors took to Lapai leaving only the Tswa-Gawunli (Chief of Gawun) to return to Gawun. The experience contributed a great deal to the resistance of Gawun to the merger. This was the more reason why it was not made a reality in his time.

It should be noted that during his long tenure the Gawun/Kontagora relations had commenced. It is said at this time that tributes were received from Gawun’s vassals and sent to Kontagora. Etsu Mamman (1840-1884) was succeeded by Etsu Kalu (1884-1905). It was during his reign that the Gawun/Lapai relation was sealed by the British Colonial government.

• Socio-economic and Judicial Stages of Development

During the period in focus, there evolved some factors of development. These are socio-economic as well as judicial aspects. The inhabitants needless to say were from the beginning industrious and agrarian people, whose mode of production was subsistence farming which developed to large scale farming. Their mode of production became the standard and main pivots on which a strong bond and sense of belonging was established especially their farming methods. According to Musa Ibrahim, There are three types of farming methods in Gawunland namely: Nugba, Fago and Fadegbe.

4.4     Nugba

This is a bachelor’s farm; he is expected to put into his farm ‘Nugba’ (two to three days labour in a week). The harvest was stored in his ‘Dobu’ (Ban) and disposed of to solve his personal and immediate problems.

4.5     Fago

This is the family’s farm whose labour force was derived from the male family members. This is collectively owned by the extended family and controlled by the ‘Zagoi’ (father or most elderly) member of the household. The products harvested from the ‘Fago’ (family farm) was used in feeding the entire family and solving general problems like marriage, naming ceremony, financial and other domestic problems.

4.6     Fadegbe

This farming system as the name suggests was a joint or co-operative farm owned by the members of a union or ward. It has a membership of age-group members numbering about two dozens of hard working youth married or single. The farm was supervised by the elders who are experienced on the field. The harvest was used to solve the union’s ‘Ene’ (problems) and to help anybody or member with problems. This farming system helped a great deal in promoting hard work and social ties, among members whose main occupation was farming.

During ‘Fadegbe’ (co-operative farming), a drummer could be invited to boost the morale of members. The members work hard as this was mostly the group from which the ‘Yefa’ (in-law’s farm) labour force was derived. No member therefore wanted to be seen or taken as lazy by their betroths or in-laws in whose presence the farming was done. A times it was a disgrace to allow one to be termed lazy. This group could be described as the chief’s reserve labour force as they could decide on their own or when called upon to help the chief on his farm. The produce from such farming system were either consumed locally or sold out to the neighbouring communities in need through trade. During the dry season when most of the farm work has subsided, the Gawunli engaged himself in craft works. Especially in weaving of mats, cloth, wood carving, leather works, black smiting, and the women in pottery. The economy was centred on agriculture and creativity.

According to oral tradition (Mall. Musa Abdullahi Pers. Comm. 2012), Gawun had an impartial judicial system based on the ethics of morality, discipline and traditions. The Gawun people were also able to, in the course of development, hold religion (tradition) in high esteem as the gods were worshipped and prayed to in times of need. This made Gawun a centre of religious activities among the residents. To this end, Gawun could be seen to have depended less on others for their basic needs. Gawun’s pottery quality was attested to be very excellent. This is cited in a 1949 report by Burnett as “Easily the best yet seen anywhere in West Africa”.

Turning to the judicial system, that was enduring, it rested predominantly on the traditional norms and values of the people. It was tempered with mercy by the Chief who was the final arbiter and held his court with members and advisers. The elders were drawn from the ‘Zagois’ (elders). The cases were looked into and justice dispended in accordance with level of the crime committed. The penalty ranged from fines of cowries, canning and execution. Cases like cheating and other minor offences attracted canning of the culprit.

Grave offences like murder and illegal pregnancies were referred to ‘Etsu Bomi’ (chief priest) whose rallying point was the ‘Kuchi’ (masquerade). In a trial, if one was not condemned to death (the accused), an oath was administered which was sworn to by taking a concoction mixed in local beer. After seven days of taking the concoction and nothing happens to the accused person such as death with a swollen stomach, the accused was declared innocent and discharged. Alternatively if one was to face capital punishment, the condemned person was thrown into the ‘Zacheba’ (gorge) which served as the execution ground. It is interesting to note that after execution or if one should die upon taking the ‘Etsu Bomi’ (chief priest) oath; his belongings were forfeited to the state.

There were other types of penalties ranging from death, fine, banishments, and enslavement of hindered criminals and debtors. Gawun and Gbagyiland detested indolence and begging no matter the circumstance one finds himself. There was no excuse for such kind of condition as it was the entire family’s responsibility to fend for such a handicap. It was seen to be a source of humiliation as it was believed such type of people could do some ‘handwork’ rather than become societal nuisance and disgrace to the family and relations. It is therefore convincing that Gawun was able to evolve multiple systems in her development stages without really relying on others or being influenced by her neighbours. This became deeply rooted in what became a societal force to be reckoned with in the course of time.

4.7     The Traditional Political Set-up

The general administration of Gawun and Gwarin ‘Yamma’ (West) draws its membership from the Council of Elders and Chiefs. This formed the advisers and representatives of the ‘Etsu’ (Chief) at ward and village levels. In comparison with the Nupes and other neighbouring tribes, their names and duties were similar. The councillors were solely responsible for collection of taxes/dues and helped in deliberations at the Chief’s palace on vital issues affecting the entire community.

According to Mall. Musa Tsoho, It is from amongst them that the king makers are drawn. The councillors of Gawun are ‘Twadu’, ‘Madaki’ who is the commander of the cavalry who must always remain in the village holding brief when the ‘Etsu’ (Chief) is unavoidably absent. The ‘Shaba’ (Yarima), who is the head of civil officers deputises for ‘Madaki’. The ‘Makama’ in the olden days was usually the successor to the ‘Etsu’ (Chief). Nowadays the ‘Makama’ is a nominal crowned prince (Eldest among princes). ‘Mayaki’ (The war general) deputises for Galadima.  ‘Datu Baje’ (Chief Hunter) oversees the security of the village in times of peace. Then the Barwa takes charge of the war camp. He is a disciplinarian and vested with the extra duty of carrying out sentences passed on convicted prisoners as the chief-warder. There are other traditional titles which are mostly titles of the Samari (Youth), such as Ndakotsu, Majin, Sarauniya, among others. It should be noted that it is not all members of the council that are kingmakers. The ideal and recognized kingmakers who form the ‘Gbancele’ (highly respected subjects) are restricted to a few who are not princes.

They among others include:-

1. Tswadu (madaki) chief kingmaker and councillor
2. Dagbeji
3. Wangya
4. Maiyaki
5. Wambai

However, Mall. Musa Tsoho added that this number has increased in recent times as a result of expansion of the town and borrowed titles. Title holders are usually under the leadership of the Twadu (Madaki) who in turn informs other members to give their consent and approval. The title holders are usually chosen amongst elders with wisdom. The new chief is selected among the contestants as “Tsubi” (heir apparent) after a lot of debates and consultations. The princes are eligible to contest and any interested candidates indicate his desire after the mourning period of the deceased chief has expired. Upon dying, the ‘Etsu’ (Chief) is not pronounced dead immediately nor is the news broken even among the palace staff. Instead, the ‘Tswadu’ (councillors) and ‘Madaki’ (commander of the cavalry) calls on the ‘Pada’ (Chief Protocol and public relation Officer) and informs him of the loss or passing away of the ‘Etsu’ (Chief).

The information is then passed to the ‘Twadu-Biko’ (Chief Town Criers), who informs the subjects through beating his talking drum. He does this by recalling the past chiefs that had reigned up to the late chief. It is through this that the entire town get to know about the fate of the chief. It is noteworthy to emphasize that before the news is broken; the late chief is taken to Fuka and given a befitting burial at the royal cemetery. The ceremonial rites are observed on the corpse of the Late ‘Etsu’ (Chief) by the Fuka priest (Zagoi) before the burial which is exclusively a Fuka affair and top secret. After the mourning period is observed, different kinds of music and masquerades dance in memory of the late chief. After this period, the new chief having sailed through the traditional selection committee headed by the Madaki, the nominated chief (Tswa-Gawunli) goes to Fuka for installation and back to Gawun to proceed on (Egun) seclusion.

This period is observed with the view to purify and give him necessary guidelines on his new status and responsibilities. The day of his outing is full of joy and pageantry by the Gawunlis and the neighbouring villages. The new Etsu buys two rams, one for himself and the second one for his most senior wife. The rams are slaughtered and given out to the Sakis (Council members), friends and well-wishers.

4.8     Women   

Women in Gawunland have a special place in the political setup. Women have a general group known as JIMMI. The ‘Jimmi’ group is vested with all responsibilities that are feminine and ceremonial. The Jimmi is headed by the eldest or most prosperous princess called the Sagi whose praise name is Agila.

4.9     Position of Twadu/Madaki   

The historical origin of Tswadu (Madaki) in Gawunland is linked to one Tswadu Amali. He is said to have had a relationship with the Hausa and lived most of his youthful life days in former Abuja (Present Suleja). This is the highest title for a commoner who by virtue of his birth cannot become an Etsu (Chief). He is the head of the traditional council and kingmakers. It is stated that Tswadu Amali was wealthy and needed to remain gallant as he headed the cavalry.

The Tswadu play the role of the prime minister in modern day government. According to oral tradition (Mall. Umaru Tukunji Pers. Comm. 2012), Amali was invited back to Gawun from former Abuja and given the title. The office of the Tswadu historically belongs to the Dawaki ward that is part of the three main wards of Gawun which do not produce an Etsu (Chief).

There are four houses that produce the Tswadu (Madaki). They are:

1. Tswadupi
2. Tsetsigan
3. Gbitipi
4. Tswapi

Those that have reigned as Tswadu Gawun (Madakin-Gawun) are as follows:-

1. Amali (Tsadupi)
2. Tswadu Audu Biko (Tsetsigan)

• Tswadu Mango Amali (Tswadupi)

1. Tswadu Mamman Musoyi (Tswadupi)
2. Tswadu Saka (Tsetsigan)
3. Tswadu Mangani Disa (Gbiti)

• Tswadu Yanki (Tsetsigan)
• Tswadu Tami Mangani (Gbiti)

1. Tswadu Fanda (Tswapi)
2. Tswadu Biko Yanki (Tsetsigan)
3. Tswadu Abdullahi Angulu (Tswadupi)

• Tswadu Yahaya (Tswadupi) – The incumbent

4.10   Gawun Early Relations

As the Gwaris political setup knew no central political leadership other than that of elders (Zagoi) and chief (Etsu) of their immediate village or towns, Gawun was no exception. It was only after the emergence of British colonialism that the issue of a centralized leadership came into place and fruition. To this end, The Gwaris must have been influenced lately by their stronger neighbours. This goes to say that the policy of indirect rule, must have had the influence and impact on the Gwari people as it did on other non-Hausa speaking people. The Gawun people as other Gwari people therefore paid tribute to strong neighbours. ‘This calls to mind the dynastic changes that swept across Northern Nigeria due to the activities of the jihadists in the 1880’s (Hogben 1967).

The Sokoto caliphate as established on strict Islamic political ethics under the able leadership of Sheikh Uthman Dan Fodio did affect the history of the region. After the establishment and consolidation of the Sokoto Caliphate that hitherto changed and replaced the corrupt and inept Habe rulership by the Fulanis in Hausa and non-Hausa areas, it is worthy to mention here that Zaria having lost its independence to the Islamic revivalists and assuming the status of subject to the Sokoto Empire maintained vassals like Keffi, Nassarawa, Jema’a and Lapai (Baba1985).

As pointed out above, Zaria played the role of political master and giant to the Gwari and her neighbours like the Kaje and Abuja. The history of the entire Gwari speaking people and neighbours like the Kambari and Kamuku cannot be complete without the activities of Nagwamatse of Kontagora. Umar Nagwamatse according to sources established Kontagora in 1864 in a Kambari area prior to this time, in 1859, he established himself at Bogi near Wushishi and he dominated the Kamuku, Gwari, and Kambari countryside. He died in 1876 and was succeeded by his son, Abubakar Modibbo (1880-1901). Sarki Abubakar of Kontagora was succeeded by his brother, Ibrahim (1903-1929). He was a replica of his father, Umar in cruelties and made a lot of raids on the Gwari. It was during his reign that Kontagora overlordship stretched to Gurara River.

It is significant to know that Gawun relationship with Abuja was not so close and there was no hostility between them. However, there are indications that the people of Gawun felt the impact of the Tsafi (Shrine) in Zuba. The relationship therefore of Abuja and Gawun must have been restricted to trade as the two areas were administratively different. Though Gawun had no close contact with Abuja, Gawun mercenaries involved themselves in the Abuja military. Notable among these mercenaries of Gawun origin in the old Abuja were princes Pada-Tumaka and Bako (Twins) who later became a chief in Gawun.

The two belonged to the famous Shaho Na Koko troops of the ancient Abuja (Present Suleja). Gawun as stated earlier, was never brought to its kneels through war but by mutual understanding and the guarantee of joint military expedition. J.W. Burnett (1911) had this to say. “Gawun was a stronghold and was not sacked by early raiders…All was peace….until the coming of Shaba from Bida who conducted an indecisive siege for three weeks before leaving….” The Gawun leadership thought diplomatically wise to accept paying tribute to him hoping to ward off any form of aggression from his forces and allies. This could be said to be an established account of tribute paying of Gawun into Bida treasury aimed at making him (Shaba) an ally (Kobo1981).

This diplomatic option paid off well for Gawun as the relationship scared ambitious raiders away from her territory. After this diplomatic score, Gawun had to contend with the Nagwamatse aggression. At this time, Ibrahim Nagwamatse (1880-1901) (1903-1929) had the support of Umar Majigi against the Gwari who were helped by the Gobirawa and Habe from Maradi. As stated earlier, this was the time that Ibrahim Nagwamatse extended his political dominion to the banks of Gurara River. This marked the Gawun/Kontagora relationship. Having not been able to conquer Gawun despite the siege laid and his brutal methods of war tactics, a truce was entered into with him (Baba 2003).

This is confirmed by Brurnett. “….Nagwamatse also laid siege which was compromised later by the Gawun agreeing to feed Nagwamatse’s army in the area, and to send periodic tribute to Kontagora….” (1911)

This was another diplomatic score as the truce made Gawun and Nagwamatse to jointly embark on military expedition in conquering the neighbourhoods. Burnette had this to say again “….Therefore, Nagwamatse was given one hundred youths to carry water….and they were present at the sacking of the villages of Shaku and Tuna in the North….” (Baba 1984)

The relationship which Nagwamatse wanted to have was the subjective and servitude type. However this turned out to be the opposite as it came to pay rewardingly to the two as the relationship unexpectedly became serene and cordial. This could be seen as he left behind a viceroy called Jarmai Alheri in Gawun. The viceroy collected tributes which among others included mats, filters, cowries, woven and dyed cloths. These items were taken to Kontagora to further augment the peaceful relationship. He (Alheri) a soldier is said to have participated in planning and executing of war in Gawun’s conquest drives.

Nagwamatse’s relationship with Gawun coupled with his adventures started having setbacks when he escaped narrowly with his life while fighting the Dakarawa. In 1902, Ibrahim Nagwamatse was upon the advent of British activities captured and taken to Yola then to Lokoja in what was said to be his sticking to slavery and threats to the British. He was deposed and reinstated in 1903 and his territories given back to him with the exception of the Dakarawa and Gwari areas in the same year. The Dakarawa area in 1919 became a federation under the native administrative system and is what has now become the Zuru Emirate.

Lord Lugard justified his attacks on Kontagora and Bida in these words “I (Luggard) desire the people shall return and live in peace under a just ruler and I (Luggard) write to appoint a man who will rule justly, and if he does so I support him and uphold his power….” (Hogben 1967).

This marked the end of the Gawun/Kontagora relationship it curtailed the cordial relationship that existed between them and thus the beginning of Gawun/Lapai relationship.

4.11   Gawun/Lapai Relations

A critical appraisal has shown that the “Gawun/Lapai relationship” lack true position of historical facts for better understanding. A lot still is being written and uttered as part of these accounts which are grossly inadequate, conflicting, and fallacious and distorted because they (accounts) are consistently being falsified to the detriment of logical approach to history. This is due to limited amount of useful sources devoid of free, fair and factual submissions. These facts are continuously confusing researchers and the prospect of intending students of history at large. Nevertheless, the available independent informants still exist for researchers to retrieve information and as well discern impressions posed in the Gawun/Lapai relations.

Some of the documented facts are drawn from write ups and articles produced by researches carried out by impartial individuals such as those obtained from colonial administrators and progressive intellectuals who have in mind the development, advancement and presentation of the true picture of the past.

In every human relationship, conflict is a normal phenomenon as it is historically inevitable especially when it is deliberately stirred by one party against the other. For the sake of clarity, an attempt was made to discuss the genesis of discontentment right from the period of Etsu Kalu (1884-1905) during whose reign the Gawun/Lapai relations started up to date

1. Etsu Kalu (1884-1905)

Etsu Kalu succeeded Etsu Mamman (1840-1884) the longest reigning chief Gawun ever had in history. He (Etsu Mamman) reigned for a period of forty-four (44) years. It was Etsu Kalu who made the utterance of ‘AMA’ literally meaning ‘But’ in his resistance of attempts to merge Gawun with Lapai by the British Colonialists. In fact, the entire Gawunland were dissatisfied with the new status of subordination accorded them by the British.

As Sa’ad Abubakar observed in Groundwork of Nigerian History (1980) that “there were protest and resistance among the Gwari…” (p. 466). Sooner than later, Lapai in violation of the conditions of the political matrimony dethroned him in what was to become a tradition of institutionalised deposition of Gawun chiefs in the few decades of relationship. As he (Etsu Kalu) observed before the merger that   Gawun won’t be subservient to Lapai overlordship simply because they (Gwaris) were generally not ever under the control of sovereignty of an Emir.

Etsu Kalu’s reason was that Gawun and Lapai are incompatible, adding that Lapai has not in history defeated his ancestors nor himself in a war. Sa’ad Abubakar has this to add “Thus the British were resented as much as the Emir….Most communities assumed that the Emirs were co-operating with new allies, (The British) to bring about subjugation”.

H.M. Irwin has this to say on Etsu Kalu’s assertion. “So little was the claim of Lapai to be the Suzerain town the Gwaris respected that during the first five years of the British administration, the Kudin-Kasa was collected by the late Mayaki of Bida and paid by him into Bida treasury”. (1911). After prolonged appeals and consultations, the Colonial District Officer was able to join Gawun and Lapai leadership for administrative convenience and to reduce and check the Sarkin Sudan of Kontagora’s power and influence, giving assurance of in servitude molestations.

Amidst grudges and reservations, the colonial District Officer was able to appeal and contract the agreement. Still at this point in time and much later. Lapai’s political stance was not formidable enough in the new political dispensation owing to its little landmass and population. In fact, at inception, according to the assessment by Resident Hamilton Browne in 1910, Lapai town itself was divided into seven wards each with a head responsible to the Emir/Etsu all of whom were drawn from the Fulanis in the Emir’s household.

1. Etsu Gero Guba (1905-1908)

He succeeded Etsu Kalu (1884-1905), he is said to have been fond of harassing the Lapai women when they go for water at Shagunmi River despite male escorts. Gero is said to have been Etsu Kalu’s beloved pet and confident as he was the ‘Baje’ tittle holder. He was ambitious and thus favoured Gawun being merged with Lapai. Baje Gero is quoted to have said “If Lapai becomes a rag Gawun will become stocked lice on it”. This infamous statement meant his preference of Gawun accepting Lapai’s overlordship and it was made to earn Lapai’s support and speedy removal of Etsu Kalu from office. He (Baje Gero) achieved his life ambition as he was crowned the successor to Etsu Kalu having dethroned him using Lapai leadership. Unknown to him (Etsu Gero), he was to fall prey to the trap he helped Etsu Brahma of Lapai to set.

Having now received his reward of becoming Tswa-Gawunli (Chief of Gawun) for advocating Lapai’s overlordship nemesis caught up with him. He (Etsu Gero) after a brief romance with Lapai, was summoned to Gulu to help Etsu Brahma (1907 – 1923) of Lapai in supervising the railway construction of Gidi (Baro). It should be noted that during the railway construction, subjects were required to provide the labour force and food for the upkeep of the workers. Unfortunately, he (Etsu – Gero) couldn’t honour the numerous calls made by Etsu Brahma as he was in Egu (tradition seclusion) which forbade him to be seen even in Gawun as he was supposed to remain indoors.

He (Etsu Gero) sent word to Etsu Brahma explaining why he won’t be able to come but to no avail. He (Etsu Gero) alternatively sent prince Bako (Twins) then Pada – Gawun to represent him at Gulu.

Etsu Lapai (Brahma) took these excuses as flimsy and the representation as a mockery, acts of gross indiscipline and rudeness from his subordinate. This singular act caused connivance and a deal was struck to eliminate Etsu – Gero. This was aimed at replacing him with prince Bako (Twins) who was now at Gulu to represent Etsu Gero who was still in traditional seclusion (Egu).

This deal materialized as it was executed. There were now two Chiefs in Gawun the deposed Etsu Gero and Lapai’s stooge Etsu Bako (Twins) jointly now in a power struggle. This intra power struggle resulted in hostilities between their respective supporters in Gawun. This led to ‘Nubo’ (fratricidal fight). Despite Etsu Gero’s majority support, he resigned to fate promising to remain loyal and to co-operate with Etsu Bako (Twins).

As the fight raged on between his supporters and that of the newly turbaned Tswa – Gawunli (Etsu Bako), He (Etsu Gero) decided to proceed on self-imposed exile in Ledi (near Kwali FCT) as he thought this will bring peace and sanity to the land. This was during the reign of Sarki Muhammad Gani (1902 – 1917) of Abuja who was asked to repatriate the deposed Etsu Gero now in his domain.

Sarki Muhammadu Gani obliged and he (Etsu Gero) was repatriated in captivity and ‘chains’ through Gawun to Lapai. On arrival at Gawun, he (Gero) was taken to the palace where Etsu Bako (Twins) addressed him before his final journey to Lapai. Just as in the case of Etsu Kalu, deposed Etsu – Gero ended in the same manner if not worse as no one can tell the circumstances behind his death.

He is however believed to have been tortured and mysteriously murdered in cold blood at either Gulu or Lapai. H.M. Irwin had this to say ‘‘during the financial year 1908 – 1909 the headman of Gawun, Gero, by name gave Resident Baro some trouble over the tribute’’ The Emir (Lapai) seeing his chance of extortion, seized Gero and imprisoned him in Lapai where some months later he died’’. Just like his arch rival (Etsu Kalu) he Etsu Gero was not brought home nor a message of his death sent till date.

H.M. Irwin had this to add. ‘‘Whether he died from natural causes I (Irwin) have no means of knowing, but his followers who were themselves fined £70 by the Emir believed that Gero was stabbed’’ (Report on the Lapai Emirate by Assistant Resident. H. M. Irwin, 21/7/1911).

• Etsu Bako (Twins) (1908 – 1911)

The ascension to the throne of the Etsu Bako (Twins) we should recall was master mined by the Lapai rulership. This was achieved through deceiving the Colonial Administration of Etsu Gero’s inability to go to Gulu during the railway construction to Baro (Gidi) and alleged refusal to pay tribute. To effectively garner support for him, Lapai conjoined with the then Madaki, Tswadu Mangani to install him as Tswa – Gawunli (Chief). H.M. Irwin had this to add ‘‘Thereupon the Emir (Lapai) appointed a stool of his own Etsu Bako to be the new headman’’

The above quotation substantiates the fact that he was made the Chief of Gawun against the popular wish of Gawunlis by the Lapai leadership under Etsu Brahma. As fate will have it, the connivance paid him (Etsu Bako) dearly at the end of his short and unpopular rule. Etsu Bako with this connivance between him and Lapai leadership aimed at extortion, the Assistant Resident H.M. Irwin had to remove him (Bako) to allow peace and normalcy to reign. Mr. Irwin adds ‘‘I (Irwin) have deposed him to allow the Gwaris to have the headman they desire. This should put an end to the constant friction here’’ (1911 report). After the deposition, Etsu Bako died peacefully at home in Gawun.

1. Etsu Gani II (1914 – 1924)

After the deposition of Etsu Bako, he was succeeded by Etsu Gani II. Etsu Gani was removed from office having been accused of embezzling poll tax and as a punishment, was jailed three months in Agaie. After his jail term he retuned back to Gawun. It should be noted that this was his first removal from office as Tswa Gawunli (Chief)

1. Etsu Tukwa I (Djidji) 1924 – 1933

He was a son to Etsu Kalu (1884 – 1905) the first victim of Lapai’s political excesses. Tukwa I grew up in Nagwamatse’s palace. He was adopted into the royal house of Kontagora to cement the cordial relationship between his father, Etsu Kalu who was friends and compatriots with Nagwamatse. It was during his reign that a more aggressive stance was taken as regards the collection of personal income tax and construction of new feeder roads to link up villages and hamlets. It was also during his time that Gawun resettled at Zango. This development was muted by the British Colonial Administration who thus forced Gawun to relocate on a more accessible site for easy communication and administration.

The Gawun’s choice of Zango was that it (Zango) has a large expanse of fertile land to farm on and the closeness of the Jebugo stream to provide portable drinking water. Lastly, the superstitious belief among Gwaris especially, in Gwarin – Gawun culture that it is an abomination to move towards the direction of the west when resettling. Instead it is believed that it is better and more prosperous to move towards the direction of sunrise, (east). The desire to move towards the east was dragged by him against Lapai’s choice of the west.

According to the source (Mall. Muhammadu Bako pers. Comm. 2012), Lapai chose Yelwa simply because it (Lapai) wanted Gawun closer to the headquarters for effective control and exploitation. At last, the Colonial District Officer stationed at Abuja, Mr. David Horse gave permission to Tukwa I to move his people to the site and direction of their choice. The three-man delegation sent to Abuja concerning Gawun’s preparedness and resolve to settle towards the east brought the news of the ‘‘Whiteman’s’’ go-ahead order and blessing. This fair judgement was not taken lightly by Etsu Lapai, Aliyu Gana Muhammadu (1923 – 1937), who had opted for Yelwa in the west, and was against Gawun reporting directly to the District Officer in Abuja. The sources has it that he (Etsu Lapai) denied asking Gawun to resettle at Yelwa rather than the site Gawun had chosen.

1. Etsu Gani II (1933 – 1934)

This was his second instalment as the Tswa – Gawunli (Chief of Gawun). As it could be recalled, he was accused of poll tax embezzlement and was jailed. An oral source has it that, the tax was complete when it was counted in Gawun but on reaching Lapai when it was recounted, it was discovered that an undisclosed amount got missing on transit.

The seat he now secured again was hotly contested but he felt his installation was an opportunity for Lapai to extort him. Lapai overlord sanctioned his nomination pointing out that he must have learnt his lessons diligently. However, as fate will have it, he was in office as Etsu for only one year when he was deposed again for the same embezzlement of taxes. Etsu Gani II was exiled again for three months which he served at Lapai despite his maintenance of innocence and pleas of leniency during the trial.

• Etsu Tukwa II (1934 – 1953)

He succeeded Etsu Gani II who had now been deposed and jailed twice. His tenure was just like that of his predecessor, which was full of threats from Lapai over negligence in collection and embezzlement of taxes. He (Etsu Tukwa II) was close to the White men especially one Mr. Murphy. This intimacy, which was likened to apostasy was seen by Lapai under Etsu Umaru as a sinister gesture worthy of frowning at and embarrassment.

This was because the whites were seen as ‘Kufr’ (Unbelievers) and his subjects should have nothing to do with the white men (Nasara). To deal with him, he was accused of demanding force labour from the people of Soita hamlet who built three huts for him in his palace. According to Mall. Muhammadu Bako, the people of Soita seeing the Labour exploitation meted out on Gawun during Lapai’s resettlement in 1936 felt a sense of sympathy for Gawun Chief, and so did the same to him at his palace as a sign of respect and solidarity.

• Etsu Gani II (1914 – 1924) (1933 – 1934) (1952 – 1953)

This was his third assumption of office as Tswa – Gawunli (Chief of Gawun) though during his last tenure, he was not removed yet his tenure was characterised by embezzlements and humiliations. He had to tolerate them having been removed twice and sent to prison totalling six months.

He died peacefully in office after a protracted illness. It is pathetic to note that it was only Etsu Gani who died in office since when Gawun/Lapai relations commenced between 1905 to 1954. A period of forty nine years.

1. Etsu Usman (1953)

He was a son to Etsu Bako I. His tenure was brief as he occupied the office of Tswa – Gawunli (Chief of Gawun) for only nine months and on ill grounds he was removed by Lapai. The British colonial administration opted for his son to succeed him but unfortunately, he (Etsu Usman) had no grown up child at the time of his removal.

1. Etsu Tukwa II (1934 – 1952) (1953 – 1955)

This was his second term having been removed from office in his first tenure and jailed along with late Mallam Aliyu (his secretary) in Lapai for six months. He had to contend with Lapai’s high handedness, however, as it has been with Lapai’s feudal lords, he was accused of embezzlement and this led to the reincarnation of the alleged crime of beating his in-law. Though he was removed by Lapai, but was reinstated for good by the then Gwari Native Authority in Minna. He was removed by Gwari N.A. over an alleged tempering with Tswa-Bonu’s’s salary. This was after he led the excision struggle of Gawun from Lapai’s overlordship.

4.12   Independence

From the preceding chapter, the historical and political relations between Lapai and the Gwari and especially Gawun has been doses of bitter pill as it has never been cordial and fruitful. The genesis being the treacherous murder of Jauro. Although the Gwari are said to have been subdued, they (Gwaris) maintained a stubborn and constant resistance through rebellions even after the coming of the British.

Sa’ad Abubakar in “Northern Provinces under colonial rule: In Groundwork of Nigerian History” (1980) had this to say ‘‘in the 19^th century they (Gwaris) formed part of the emirates of Nupe, Zaria and Kontagora. The coming of the British did not alter their political status….. They had never been under effective control of the Emirs…’’ (P. 447).

The agitation and riot for the separation of Gawun from Lapai which took place in 1953 was no easy task and achievement, the Gwaris were not known to have been accustomed to effective control of external overlords.  This made the Gawun/Lapai relations to gain just minimal fruitfulness.

4.13   The Fruit of Independence

It should be noted that during the periods of suspension as enumerated earlier, Gawun had to contend with Lapai’s violation of the ‘stay away’ order. Given Lapai’s overlordship over Gawun which spanned a period of forty-nine years (1905 – 1954), it was impossible for Lapai still nursed the hope of Gawun coming back to Lapai and still stood its ground about Etsu Tukwa II’s deposition. Equally too, the Niger Province Authorities held the same view only to rescind it later by reinstating Etsu Tukwa II.

Things remained so until Gawunlis took a deep sigh in May 1956 when a letter from the then Northern Region Government Office granted the long awaited freedom from the Shackles of oppression by excising Gawun from Lapai. Here is an extract from the letter No. 4362/114 dated May 1956 from Kaduna addressed to the Resident, Niger Province, Minna.

‘‘…..His Excellency the Governor has been pleased to give notice of the establishment of the Gawun Native Authority subordinate to the Gwari Native Authority. The members of the Gawun Native Authority area will be described as Gawun District. I am to say that the New Gawun Native Authority Area includes the Former Gawun and Shaku village areas, excluding the three hamlet areas of Shaku, Dapu and Nakpakuku which will remain in Lapai Emirate. The New Gawun Native Authority Area also includes the hamlet area of Gwari – Babba….”

 

4.14   The Lapai Legacy

These numerous scores of problems were difficult to subdue even though its leaders were talented, enduring, honest and loyal. It was a bitter and pathetic history of humiliation, bondage and awful experiences. However, the Gawun leadership and subjects between 1905 – 1954 bore the stings. But two things remain clear; courage and resoluteness. Courage and resoluteness made the Gawunli more conscious of his person and integrity which all remained undaunted during and after Lapai’s unpopular over lordship.

For they (Gawunlis) knew freedom was with time in sight and that the two (Gawun and Lapai) will have a date with history and posterity. This view emanating from the minds of respondents is real for Gawun has gotten what she wanted; freedom. These atrocities needless to say are all pointers to the fact that the previous Lapai leadership had no basics of the concept and art of state craft.  A general rule in politics can be deduced on Gawun/Lapai relations thus; – That ‘‘whoever is responsible for another becoming powerful ruins himself’’ (Machiavelli 1961).

This is because such power can only be brought into being by use of force or coercion. But this was not the case as Lapai failed to achieve it through aggression. Moreover, men must be crushed to submission and must be checked as ‘‘Man can get revenge for minor injury than a fatal one’’ in this type of relationship of the past. Lapai should have taken precaution in maintaining Gawun’s hand of friendship by protecting and safeguarding the British induced forceful ‘trust and confidence’ than unleashing the reign of terror through crafty, cunning and dehumanizing principles ever known in Gawun History.

Lapai should have understood that there are two ways of fighting, by law and force. The first is natural to men and the second to beasts. Therefore, ‘‘One should be a fox in order to recognize traps and a lion to frighten off wolves’’ (Machiavelli 1961). To have been on a better part of history and posterity, Lapai should have not played or acted a lion in defiance of good faith and charity but tolerant and flexible taking into account the golden fortune on its (Lapai’s) palm and the circumstance behind the relationship. Those who have come to realise how to imitate the fox come out best than a lion that is despised. Nothing can be further from the truth. Men judge by their eyes rather than their hands.

To this end, it is empirically true that to contend with cruelty and conspiracy as in the case of Gawun/Lapai relations leads to nothing but rebellion as it was the end result and best way of seeking redress. The legacy left behind is daily being revisited and the calls for Gawun to go back to Lapai is according to this research a dream and an empty call full of self-deceit.

According to the respondents, Gawun is thinking on how to aspire higher into the full circle of the political moon.

 

 

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

5.0     Summary

The first chapter of this work dealt with the general introduction, statement of the research problem, aim and objectives, scope and limitations, justification and significance of the study, and lastly literature review.

The second chapter looked at the geographical location, historical origin and Gawu’s neighbours. Chapter three dwelled on the noble traditions of the people of Gawun. These traditions range from marriage, child birth and death. The writer was as well mindful of other traditions like the Egu and the Djangede.

Chapter four looked at the emergence of royalty, the traditional political set up, Gawun early relations, Gawun/Lapai relations and the Lapai legacy. Chapter five is the conclusion. The conclusion briefly gives a summary of the other chapters. The reader must have been able to acquaint himself with what Gawun history is and the noble tradition of the people.

5.1     Conclusion

In conclusion, an attempt was made in this research work to highlight the history and transition of the Gawun people right from the formative stage to the 1950s. Although there is lack of adequate written evidence on Gawun history, I have endeavoured to use the little available archival and oral sources which formed the foundation of this historical study.

According to the sources, the early inhabitants of what was to become Gawun were the Gbagyi who were scattered autonomous family lineages of Yimpa, Gbiti and Kutape. It was these settlements that are now Gawun. After the conglomeration, one Kumbu (A hunter from Zaria) having earned the confidence of the Gawunli was given the position of Tswa-Gawunli, (Chief of Gawun).

As time went on the wards in Gawun became Kaura, Mko (Kopati) and Dawaki. These could have been derived from the new ruler who was Hausa. The people evolved an enduring political system around the Chief (Etsu) who was made the political, religious, judicial and economic head.

Gawun remained autonomous until the advent of the Bida, Kontagora and Lapai overlords. The Gawunli were before and after the Fulani Jihad a predominantly traditional African religion. However, with the introduction of European rule, Gawun lost her independence to Lapai through a compulsive plebiscite in 1905 until the excision in 1954, which was followed by merging of Gawun to the Gwari Native Authority.

In the final analysis, I will like to suggest that annual seminar and conferences should be organized to probe the historical past of Gawun as this research work cannot claim to have been exhaustive.

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Abubakar, S. (1980): “There were protest and Resistance among the                Gwari” in Ground Work of Nigerian History,                                           Obaro Ikime (ed), Heineman Educational Books,                            p.446.

2. Abubakar, S. (1980): “In the 19^th Century, they (Gwaris) formed part of      the emirates of Nupe, Zaria and Kontagora….”  In                                Groundwork of Nigerian History, Obaro Ikime                                           (ed), Heineman Educatioal Books, Ibadan. p447.

3. Baba, G. (1991): Cloth Weaving in Gawun District in the 19^th & 20^th         An Unpublished M.A Thesis in the                                         Department of History M.A. Thesis Titled; Cloth                               Weaving in Gawun District in the 19^th& 20^th centuries,                        1991, Bayero University Kano.

4. Hogben S.J. & Kirke A.H.M. (1967): An Introduction to the History of                             the Islamic State of Northern                                                            Nigeria. Oxford University Press,

5. Isah Baba N. (1984): Role of the Gbagyi in Abuja State (1807-1879).                                  An unpublished B.A Thesis in the Department of                            History, Bayero University, Kano.

6. Kobo M. (1981): A Brief Foundation History of Lapai Emirate, Fouth Dimension Publishers, Enugu, Nigeria.

7. Machiavelli N. (1961): The Prince: Translated by Geoge Bull, Pengium         Books Ltd, Harmondsworth, England.

8. Muhammed, B. (1985): The Fulani Jihad Factor in Agaie History (1820-          1900). An unpublished B.A Thesis in the

Department of History, University of Sokkoto.

9. Ogundele S.O. (2004): Some Indigenous Knowledge Systems in parts of         Central Nigeria; Indian Journal of Traditional                                          Knowledge vol. 5(1), University of Ibadan,                                           pp. 108-133.

10. Temple C.L. (1965): The Northern Tribes of Nigeria, Oxford University                          Press, Milford. p473

11. Burnett J.W. Report on Shaku District of Lapai Emirate/until 1954 Later

Known as Gawun/Gwari Federation and Lapai Emirate.

12. Irwin H.M, Assistant Resident, General Report on the Lapai Emirate, Dated 21/7/1911.

APPENDIX I

• Who founded Gawu?
• Who are the first settlers on the old hilltop?
• Where did the Gawun people come from?
• Were there migrations into the area?
• If yes, where did they migrate from?
• What tribe did the migrants belong to?
• Did they come in large number or was it just a single individual?
• Did they come with a leader?
• Did he later found Gawun?
• What was the name of the founder?
• Why did they settle on Gawu hill?
• How the name of the settlement became known as Gawun?
• Was there any concept behind the name Gawun?
• Is Gawun the corrupted name?
• If yes, how was it rightly pronounced?
• Why did they migrate from the old site to the new site?
• Is it recently they migrated to Gawun’s new site?
• Did Gawun have countryside?
• If yes, what are the names of its countryside?
• Where the hamlets autonomous or merged?
• What role did some of these hamlets play in the socio-cultural life of Gawun?
• What are the noble traditions of Gawun?
• Was Gawu a centre of traditional religion where other hamlets converge to worship?
• Who were Gawun early neighbours?
• Were there war confrontations between her and her neighbours?
• What was the structure of the political sphere?
• Was it centralized?
• If no, how was leadership achieved before now?
• Who laid the foundation of royalty?
• Who was the first Chief of Gawun?
• How many royal houses are there in Gawun?
• Are Gawun chiefs still drawn from there till date?
• How was the traditional political set-up?
• What are the various offices and the functions they perform?
• What are some of the socio-economic activities in Gawunland?
• In what way was Gawun influenced by strong neighbours?
• What stimulated the relationship with Lapai?
• What has been the long-lived legacy of Gawun/Lapai relationship till date?

 

 

APPENDIX II

LIST OF ORAL INFORMANTS

 

S/NO	NEMES	AGE	OCCUUPATION	KIND OF INFORMATION
1.	Mall. Idris Na’ibi	62	Farming	Origin
2.	Baba Nigeria	65	Naforman Gawun	Politics/Traditions
3.	Ya Musa Tata	66	Farming	Rituals
4.	Kaka Lamimi	82	House wife	Traditions
5.	Mall. Musa Abdullahi	69	Chief Imam of Gawun	Religion
6.	Ya Audu Biko	78	Drummer	Ceremonies
7.	Mall. Umaru Tukunji	76	Blind	Origin/ Religion
8.	Musa Ibrahim	48	Hunter/Farming	Farming
9.	Baushe Idrisu	53	Hunter	Hunting
10.	Mall. Muhammadu Bako	68	Gawun District Head	Traditions
11.	Mall. Musa Tsoho	61	District Head of Old Gawu	Politics/Traditions
12.	Awwal Musa	32	Son of Gawun Village Head	Politics/Traditions
13.	Mall. Hamidu Gajere	71	Farming	Guide